The US Farm Bill

Findings & Interventions

Findings & Interventions 


As this report found, the US food system and the outcomes generated by the Farm Bill in particular are characterized by widespread social, economic, political, and environmental inequity. Furthermore, such inequity was found to be characteristic of a society that itself produces inequity in every domain of social, economic, political, and environmental life. Thus, this report found, inequity within the food system—such as limited access to nutritious and affordable food, high quality land, or farmers support program benefits—cannot be addressed without addressing inequity within society as a whole—such as non-living wages, widely unequal dispersion of limited employment benefits, unfair treatment food chain workers by many institutions, and uneven democratic influence and access to positions of power across many sectors of society. Toward this end, the remainder of this report summarizes our findings: first, with regard to the US food system, corporate power, and racial/ethnic, gender, and economic disparities that the Farm Bill has helped produce and secure; and second, with regard to corporate power, structural racialization, and the limitations of the Farm Bill itself with regard to structural change. It then poses several short term policy interventions and long term strategies for changing the Farm Bill, the food system, and society as a whole. Finally, it argues for a strong and united food movement that is capable of organizing and mobilizing at the state and national level.

The US Food System, Corporate Power, and Racial/Ethnic, Gender, and Economic Disparities

Corporate Consolidation and Control: Corporate consolidation and control have become central features of the US food system, and the Farm Bill in particular. As of 2014, large-scale family-owned and non-family-owned operations account for 49.7% of the total value of production despite making up only 4.7% of all US farms.271 As of 2013, only 12 companies account for almost 53% of ethanol production capacity and own 38% of all ethanol production plants.272 As of 2007, four corporations own 85% of the soybean processing industry, 82% of the beef packing industry, 63% of the pork packing industry, and manufacture about 50% of the milk. Only four corporations control 53% of US grocery retail, and roughly 500 companies control 70% of food choice globally.273

Food System Worker Disparity: Racial and economic inequity is a central feature of the industrial and corporate-controlled food system. At every level of the food chain, for example, from food production to food service, workers of color typically make less than white workers.274 On average, white food workers earn $25,024 a year while workers of color make $19,349 a year.Significantly, women of color in particular suffer the most, earning almost half of what white male workers earn. In some contexts, a majority of farm workers who receive “piece-rate” (i.e., per unit of work) earnings frequently earn far less than minimum wage—an exploitative practice deeply tied to immigration policy. Food insecurity is one major effect of such disparity in wages. For example, as of 2014, twice as many restaurant workers were food insecure compared to the overall US population; as of 2011, in Fresno County, California, 45% of farmworkers were food insecure, and in the state of Georgia, 63% of migrant farmworkers were food insecure.275 Beyond wages, few people of color hold management positions in the food system, with white people holding almost three out of every four managerial positions in the food system. As of 2012, 11.8% of executive and senior level officials and managers, and 21.0% of all first- and mid-level officials and managers in 2012 were people of color.276 One result of this disparity is that non-white food system workers experience greater food insecurity. 

Food Equity and Nutrition: Food insecurity in the US continues unabated, affecting low-income communities and communities of color in particular. As of 2013, 14.3% of US households—17.5 million households, roughly 50 million persons—were food insecure.277 The report also found that the rates of food insecurity were substantially higher than the national average for Black and Latino/a households, households with incomes near or below the federal poverty line, and households with children headed by single women or single men. Within this social, political, and economic climate, recent cuts to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistant Program (SNAP, formerly named “food stamps”) and other meal support programs continue to disproportionately hurt communities of color, as they are frequently overrepresented in the lowest-paying sectors of the labor market.278

Land Access: In 1920, 14% of all US farmers were Black (about 926,000, with all but 10,000 in the South). By 1997, fewer than 20,000 US farmers were Black, and they owned only about 2 million acres.279 While white farmers were losing their farms during these decades as well, the rate that Black farmers lost their land has been estimated at two and a half to five times the rate of white-owned farm loss.280 Furthermore, between 1920 and 1997, the number of US farms operated by Blacks dropped 98%, while the number of US farms operated by whites dropped 65.8%.281 Although in 1982 the US Commission on Civil Rights concluded that the USDA was the primary reason Black farmers continued to lose their land at such astonishing rates. In 1983 President Reagan eliminated the division of the USDA that handled civil rights complaints. The USDA Office of Civil Rights would not re-open until 1996 during the Clinton Administration.282 The increasing influence of corporations inside and outside the food system since the early 1980s exacerbated such trends for communities of color, and marked the complex ties between the federal government and corporate interests.283

Farm Labor and Immigration Policy: The Farm Bill itself does not deal directly with immigration. However, the combination of an immigration system easily exploited by employers, and workers’ low (and withheld) income, limited formal education, limited command of the English language, and undocumented status, gives such farm laborers little opportunity for recourse within—or options outside of—the unjust working conditions that the Farm Bill has helped make possible. For example, as of 2009, 78% of all farmworkers were foreign born; 70% said they could not speak English “at all,” or could only speak “a little”; the median level of completed education was sixth grade; and 42% of farmworkers surveyed were migrants, a third of whom having traveled between the United States and another country, primarily Mexico.284 Significantly, many agricultural workers fear that challenging the illegal and unfair practices of their employers will result in further abuses, loss of their job, and, ultimately, deportation. Worse yet, few attorneys are available to help poor agricultural workers, and federal legal aid programs are prohibited from representing undocumented immigrants.285 Ultimately, corporate control of the food system secures and exacerbates the unjust treatment of the predominately non-white and migrant agricultural workforce of the United States. 

Climate Change: In the United States, the relationship between disparity in exposures to environmental hazards and socio-economic status has been widely As a major contributor to global climate change and the racialized distribution of its impacts, conventional agricultural production practices, in particular, have been instrumental toward this end. In 2013, for example, the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) reported that greenhouse gas emissions from agriculture accounted for approximately 9% of total US greenhouse gas emissions—an increase of approximately 17% since 1990.286 Low-income communities and communities of color in the United States experience the brunt of the effects of climate change than other Americans: they breathe more polluted air, suffer more during extreme weather events, and have fewer means to escape such extreme weather events.lvi Rising energy, food, and water costs also disproportionately effect low-income communities and communities of color, as such communities already spend a greater portion of their income on basic necessities than white communities.287 Finally, low-income communities and communities of color hold the majority of jobs in sectors that will be significantly affected by climate change, such as agriculture and tourism.288 Workers in these industries would be the first to lose their jobs in the event of an economic downturn due to climatic troubles.289

Corporate Power, Structural Racialization, and Limitations of the Farm Bill

Significantly, this report found a number of structural barriers to addressing these racial/ethnic, gender, and economic inequities. 

Part I found that the Farm Bill—from its inception in 1933 to the Farm Bills of the 1980s onward— is defined by the long term shift from the subsidization of production and consumption to the subsidization of agribusiness itself. In this light, low-income communities and communities of color have been structurally positioned on the losing side of such shifts, and of US food and agriculture policy more broadly. They have also been given few options for recourse, given the ways in which the Farm Bill has been designed and re-designed to be insulated from democratic influence, particularly by way of countless layers of committees.290

Part II found that, despite the benefits of joint SNAP and Unemployment Insurance (UI) for low-income communities and communities of color, such of the benefits of both during the recession precipitated by the 2007–2008 financial crisis, supporting public nutrition assistance programs and fighting poverty and racial/ethnic inequality, are antithetical. Specifically, while such public assistance programs do indeed support, in some ways, the most marginalized communities, they ultimately maintain structural inequity by way of the major profits that corporations such as Walmart and other large retailers reap by distributing such benefits. These corporations are the same ones that funnel profits back to their corporate headquarters, outside their respective retail sites, and that force low wages and poor working conditions onto workers at all levels of the food system.

Finally, Part III and Part IV found that supporting the inclusion of producers of color into current payment schemes and fighting poverty and racial/ethnic inequity are also antithetical, despite recent gains in terms of USDA Civil Rights settlements and slowly increasing participation in such programs by such producers. Specifically, while such disparities may be addressed, in part, by way of more representative Farm Service Agency committees—or by better outreach and assistance such payment programs, and their successor, crop insurance programs—ultimately they maintain structural inequity. They do so, for example, by re-entrenching existing property regimes that consistently push producers, be they of any racial/ethnic background, to cut costs where possible. Specifically, while these disparities may be addressed, in part, by way of more representative Farm Service Agency committees—or by better outreach and assistance— such payment programs, and their successor, crop insurance programs, they ultimately maintain structural inequity. Furthermore, such property regimes set the stage for corporations to fare best, and to grow in size, profit, and influence by way of the multiple mechanisms outlined in both Part III and Part IV. 


This report posits several short term policy interventions:

1. Statistics We call on the US Department of Agriculture to improve data collection of farmland ownership and farmland quality, and to address ahistorical and inadequate racial/ethnic representation baselines.

  • Frequent and accessible farmland ownership statistics: First, a more frequent Agricultural Economics and Land Ownership Survey (AELOS)—conducted every 5 years, rather than 10—would help identify land ownership trends and rates among different racial/ethnic groups. It would also prove more informative than operator statistics, which are the focus of the USDA Census of Agriculture and are often used to report on racial/ethnic disparity in agriculture. Such statistics, for example, indicate increasing diversity among farm operators as of late, yet elide the actual distribution of wealth and access to land. Collecting AELOS ownership data more frequently, and making such data easily accessible, would be an important first step.
  • Farmland quality statistics: Second, statistics on trends in ownership regarding the quality of land owned (e.g., Prime Farmland, Farmland of Statewide Importance, Unique Farmland, Farmland of Local Importance) would be useful in further analysis and contestation of structural racialization in the US food system. Specifically, such statistics could help undergird efforts to ensure t
  • Representation baselines: Third, measures that seek to ensure Farm Service Agency (FSA) committees are representative of the county, area, and regions within which they exist are inadequate, in that they do not account for the historic exclusion of people of color from farmland ownership, and thus from an economic foothold in the countryside. Thus, such measures should be accompanied by efforts to ensure FSA committees reflect national racial/ethnic demographics and not take for granted the geographies of racial/ ethnic exclusion from the countryside.

2. Production Policies Change the agricultural production practices to benefit all people at all levels of the food system. 

  • Restore minimum prices: The 2014 Farm Bill abandoned the 70-year-old practice of setting minimum prices for milk, cheese, and butter, and instead invested in insurance for dairy farmers to protect themselves against price volatility or rising feed costs. Rather than continue the shift toward crop insurance, disaster assistance, and subsidized loans for farmers, which further bolster corporate profits, efforts should be taken to restore and maintain price floors for dairy and other industries.
  • Reduce high food prices by eliminating biofuels crop payments: While not entirely separate apart from the dynamics that characterize the production of other commodity crops, efforts should be taken to challenge biofuel production by opposing biofuel crop payments, such as crop insurance, and ultimately working to abolish the mandated targets. Doing so would have a measurable effect on high food prices and global climate change, and would thus be of particular benefit for communities of color who are hit hardest by both.
  • Increase Department of Labor funding to enforce protection of migrant and seasonal agricultural workers: Studies have shown that the Department of Labor’s (DOL) enforcement of the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA), the Migrant and Seasonal Agricultural Worker Protection Act (AWPA), and the H-2A agricultural guestworker program has improved following the additional funds and the hiring of 300 new DOL investigators.lvii Such successes should be built upon with further improvement in the quality of enforcement and number of investigators, thus providing the most exploited farmworkers with tools to address wage, health, and housing violations, and to deter their employers from committing such violations. Funding for such improvements should be supported within the Farm Bill, in particular, by redirecting funding from satisfying corporate interests to guaranteeing farmworkers’ rights.
  • Improve access to financing of land and water for new farmers, low-income farmers, and farmers of color: There should not only be a dedicated pool of funds for farmers of color (including new farmers of color) but also a dedicated program for farmers of color. Typically, programs that have supported marginalized farmers (e.g., the 2501 program, addressed above) are spread so thin among groups that continue to have difficulty accessing land and water (e.g., small farmers and people of color, and, as of the 2014 Farm Bill, larger farms as well as veterans) that the benefits that any one group receives are marginal. Farmers of color are among such groups that are at the greatest disadvantage when benefits become scarce.

3. Outreach and Assistance Outreach and assistance efforts should go hand-in-hand with efforts to improve financing for land and water access.

  • Improve outreach and assistance to farmers of color: Because most other USDA agencies use the Farm Service Agency list for outreach, the denial of ineligible farmers—oftentimes farmers of color—for FSA programs leaves them ill-informed about deadlines for other programs, including the purchase of crop insurance and disaster protection, or the availability of conservation benefits. Efforts such as the Minority Farm Register, while aimed to address such shortcomings, are also still limited in that they are voluntary and may simply be another program that such farmers are not entirely aware of. Data collection on race/ethnicity in conjunction with improved financing for land and water access, and directed and mandatory outreach initiatives, would be crucial in addressing such barriers to program access and support. The Minority Farmer Advisory Committee, which was authorized under the 2008 Farm Bill and first convened in 2011, was established in order to advise the Secretary of Agriculture on implementation of outreach and assistance programs. Such efforts should therefore be strengthened in order to address the potential shortcomings in existing outreach and assistance programs outlined above.
  • Continue and expand cash advances to Environmental Quality Incentives Program (EQIP): There were gains in the 2014 Farm Bill regarding increases in the amount of an Environmental Quality Incentives Program (EQIP) contract that a farmer can receive in advance, from 30 to 50%. This advance payment can be used to cover the up front costs of a project for the purposes of purchasing materials or contracting services, which is crucial for many new farmers and farmers of color with relatively limited cash flow. Continuing and expanding such measures would help mitigate the historical and structural barriers disproportionately faced by farmers of color and low-income farmers.
  • Increase support to rural development strategies: Increase funding to relatively successful rural development strategies such as the Value Added Producer Grant (VAPG) program while ensuring that their limitations, such as inadequate community-specific outreach and assistance, are addressed. Programs geared toward rural development are significant because they address issues both on and off the farm, and thus hold great potential as effective anti-poverty programs.

4. Research and Development Research priorities must be reoriented toward more socially and environmentally just initiatives.

  • Redirect federal research agenda to support public interest initiatives: The Farm Bill’s research title provides a major opportunity to bolster USDA research funding and redirect federal research agendas away from corporate-backed initiatives toward fair and just, local, sustainable, and democratically-determined production priorities and practices that uphold the well-being of food system workers and consumers alike. Challenging corporate-backed research funding structures, however, does not guarantee non-industrial agricultural production. Challenging corporate-backed research funding structures, however, does not guarantee non-industrial agricultural production on its own, though it does expand the possibility for farming in the United States to reflect public interests and ultimately support the network of researchers and practitioners who would put such visions into practice.
  • Increase funding for renewable energy research and not biofuels projects: The primary programs under the energy title of the Farm Bill include the Biomass Crop Assistance Program, which partners with farmers to develop new biofuels; the Biorefinery Assistance Program, which supports biofuels research and development by assisting US companies in securing more than $450 million in private capital for biofuel projects; and the Renewable Energy for America Program (REAP) that aims to support renewable energy jobs in rural parts of the country. Such funds should instead be geared toward research and development on renewable energy programs (e.g., solar and wind) and not on biofuel, which has largely benefitted agribusiness corporations thus far.

5. Public Assistance Public assistance programs must be grounded in anti-poverty principles.

  • Monitor and reduce corporate influence and gain from SNAP: Given the potential that public nutrition assistance programs hold in alleviating poverty and boosting local economies, programs such as SNAP—the largest program under the Farm Bill—should be challenged in order to decrease corporate influence and corporate gain, including the profits accrued by large retailers as well as banks. In agreement with the groundbreaking report entitled, “Food Stamps: Follow the Money,” among the first steps taken should be: pushing the USDA to disclose retailer redemptions on SNAP; requiring that the USDA regularly report on these numbers to Congress; pushing for Congress to mandate that the USDA collect and make public product purchase data; and requiring that the USDA collect data on bank fees to assess, evaluate, and publically share national costs. [lviii] Additionally, efforts should be taken to stem sales tax leakage, wherein tax on items purchased at large retailers is funneled away from local economies back to the site of their corporate headquarters, thus negating the “multiplier” effect of SNAP celebrated by the USDA.


These short term policy interventions must be aligned with the long term strategy of challenging the structural and racialized barriers to a fair and sustainable food system, and thus the existing social, political, and economic frameworks that make such barriers possible. That is because structural change must arguably begin with the tools that are available at the moment, in this case the US Farm Bill, in order to address the most immediate needs for some. Yet, history has shown that such tools can only address the needs of some. While the condition of some women, communities of color, and low-income communities, for example, has improved in some regards, such communities ultimately still experience the brunt of an unjust food system, particularly in terms of wealth, land access, access to positions of power, and degree of democratic influence.

Thus, given both the racial/ethnic, gender, and economic inequities found, and the structural barriers to addressing such inequities found, this report also posits a couple long term strategies from which to envision a new life for the Farm Bill in particular, and food and agriculture policy in general. The first, for example, concerns Farm Bill programs that have the potential to be effective anti-poverty programs, such as SNAP. One approach could be overhauling such programs so that they stay beyond the influence of corporate interest groups and lobbying efforts. This, in essence, would require removing such programs from the Farm Bill, redesigning them primarily as anti-poverty and economic stimulus programs, and recovering, in part, their original potential. Another, for example, concerns the Farm Bill’s remaining titles that have somewhat improved the conditions of marginalized communities, such as its Rural Development programs. One approach could be keeping programs geared toward rural development within the Farm Bill while giving them a more central role, thus uplifting farmers as well the communities in which they live and work. Ultimately, given such short term and long term strategies, this report neither calls simply for minor reforms to the Farm Bill, nor calls for throwing it out and doing something different. Rather, it calls for a combination of both.


The US Farm Bill reflects a prime opportunity to challenge corporate control and structural racialization from multiple angles: social, political, economic, and environmental. It also reflects a prime opportunity to address corporate control and structural racialization within multiple time frames and at multiple scales: from the scale of the food system to that of society itself. Yet such attempts at structural change will have little traction unless such demands come from a very powerful social movement. That is, structural change requires a strong and united movement that is capable of organizing and mobilizing at the state and national level, and that ultimately aims to produce conditions required for food sovereignty, including food access, health equity, fair and living wages, land access, just immigration policy, restraints upon corporations, non-exploitative farm labor conditions, and environmental well-being, among others, in particular, and racial/ethnic, gender, and economic justice, more broadly. Such a movement would thus need to encompass grassroots and advocacy organizations that are anti-capitalist, new economy, anti-racist, and feminist, and that are oriented toward environmental justice, labor rights, immigration rights, food justice, climate justice, and human rights, among other strategies and goals.

The food sovereignty movement itself already embodies much of this coalitionary work and is carried forth by a wide ranging group of organizations including, among others: La Via Campesina, The Network of Farmers and Agricultural Producers Organizations of West Africa (ROPPA), Eastern Africa Farmers Federation (EAFF), Eastern and Southern Africa Farmers’ Forum, We Are the Solution, and other agrarian-based farmers’ movements; the International Planning Committee on Food Sovereignty; ATTAC; We Are the Solution; World March of Women; many food justice and rights-based movements; and indigenous peoples movements in North America and elsewhere that engage with the particular histories of colonialism in their respective regions. This movement necessarily calls for food systems change on the basis of entitlements, structural reforms to markets and property regimes, and class-based, redistributive demands for land, water and resources.291 Demands for food sovereignty are frequently anti-imperialist, anti-corporatist and/or anti-capitalist. In this framework for social, political, and economic change, the Farm Bill then is a barrier to true structural change, as it itself has become a pillar of neoliberalism, and has long impeded democratic influence with layers of committees.292

However, although the food sovereignty movement, broadly, is oriented towards a number of critical issues (e.g., dismantling corporate agri-foods monopoly power, recovering parity, redistributive land reform, community rights to water and seed, regionally-based food systems, democratization of food systems, sustainable livelihoods, protection from dumping and overproduction, and the revival of agroecologically-managed agriculture, collectively geared toward resource redistribution), there exists a gap that this report has aimed to address.293 That is, still lacking from the core of such efforts—particularly as they take shape in the United States—is an anti-racist critique that acknowledges and aims to address the underlying racial logic and history of not only the Farm Bill, but of all domains of life—social, political, economic, and environmental—including neoliberalism, and thus corporate control, itself. Such a movement must not be afraid to mark this racial logic and history as that of white supremacy, and its concomitant logics and histories as those of heteropatriarchy and colonialism and imperialism, visible, at the very least, in all the ways outlined in this report. 

In short, a just and democratic food system is not simply the end goal. Rather, it is also a strategic means to challenging the structures that impede the possibility of a just life for all peoples in all domains of life. Only when the agenda and work of the broad-based food sovereignty movement upholds a meta-narrative that takes into account wealth, race/ethnicity, and gender, can the struggle that low-income communities, communities of color, and women face with regard to the food system be connected to the struggles they face elsewhere—including labor, employment, health, housing, the school-to-prison pipeline, and police violence. Only then can such a movement truly strive for a just society that upholds the dignity for all peoples.

  • 271. Jodi Peterson, “New Farm Bill Still Favors Big Ag,” High Country News, January 31, 2014, http://www.hcn. org/blogs/goat/new-farm-bill-stillfavors-big-ag; Sarah J. Keller, “Why the Farm Bill’s Crop Insurance Is a Missed Opportunity for Reducing Climate Risk,” High Country News, October 30, 2013, Peyton Fleming, “Inaction on Climate Change: The Cost to Taxpayers” (Boston: Ceres, October 2013),
  • 272. Robert A. Hoppe, “Structure and Finances of US Farms: Family Farm Report, 2014 Edition” (Washington, D.C.: USDA Economic Research Service, December 2014),
  • 273. McDermott, “Finding Business Success in a Changing Ethanol Industry.”
  • 274. “The Economic Cost of Food Monopolies” (Washington, D.C.: Food and Water Watch, November 2, 2012).
  • 275. “The Color of Food: Production, Processing, Distribution, and Service” (Applied Research Center, March 2011),
  • 276. “Food Insecurity of Restaurant Workers” (New York: Food Chain Workers Alliance (FCWA), Restaurant Opportunities Center of New York (ROC-NY), Restaurant Opportunities Center of the Bay (ROC the Bay), Food First, 2014),; Gail Wadsworth and Lisa Kresge, “Hunger in the Fields,” Civil Eats, September 26, 2011,; Brittany G. Hill et al., “Prevalence and Predictors of Food Insecurity in Migrant Farmworkers in Georgia,” American Journal of Public Health 101, no. 5 (May 2011): 831–33, doi:10.2105/AJPH.2010.199703.
  • 277. “2012 Job Patterns for Minorities and Women in Private Industry (EEO-1), National Aggregate Report” (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, n.d.).
  • 278. Alisha Coleman-Jensen, Mark Nord, and Anita Singh, “Household Food Security in the United States in 2012” (USDA Economic Research Service, n.d.).
  • 279. “Labor Force Characteristics by Race and Ethnicity” (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, October 2013).
  • 280. “Census of Agriculture, 1999”; Gilbert, Sharp, and FeZin, “The Loss and Persistence of Black-Owned Farms and Farmland.”
  • 281. “Civil Rights at the United States Department of Agriculture,” 1982; Oliver and Shapiro, Black Wealth/ White Wealth.
  • 282. “Civil Rights at the United States Department of Agriculture,” 1982; “Census of Agriculture, 1992”; “Census of Agriculture, 1997.”
  • 283. Meizhu Lui, The Color of Wealth: The Story Behind the U.S. Racial Wealth Divide (New York: The New Press, 2006).
  • 284. Tadlock Cowan and Jody Feder, “The Pigford Case: USDA Settlement of a Discrimination Suit by Black Farmers,” 2010,
  • 285. “Migrant and Seasonal Farmworker Demographics” (Buda, TX: National Center for Farmworker Health, 2009),
  • lv. See studies done by Brown P. (1995) Race, Class, and environmental health: a review and systematization of the literature; Mohai, Pellow, and Report (2009) Environmental Justice; Chakraborty et. al. (2011) Disproportionate Proximity to Environmental Health Hazards: Methods, Models, and Measurement.
  • 286. “U.S. Department of Labor Enforcement in Agriculture: More Must Be Done to Protect Farmworkers Despite Recent Improvements” (Washington, D.C.: Farmworker Justice, 2015),
  • lvi. Seth B. Shonkoff et al., “The Climate Gap: Environmental Health and Equity Implications of Climate Change and Mitigation Policies in California: A Review of the Literature,” Climatic Change 109, no. 1 (2011): 485–503.
  • 287. “Sources of Greenhouse Gas Emissions: Agriculture Sector Emissions”; US EPA, “U.S. Greenhouse Gas Inventory Report.”
  • 288. Michael Ash et al., “Justice in the Air: Tracking Toxic Pollution from America’s Industries and Companies to Our States, Cities and Neighborhoods” (Amherst: Political Economy Research Institute, 2009),
  • 289. “Household Data, Annual Averages, Table 11: Employed Persons by Detailed Occupation, Sex, Race, and Hispanic or Latino Ethnicity,” Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, n.d.),; “Occupational Employment and Wages” (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Occupational Employment Statistics Program, March 25, 2015),
  • 290. Shonkoff et al., “The Climate Gap”; “National Climate Assessment, 2014” (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Global Change Research Program, 2014),
  • lvii. “U.S. Department of Labor Enforcement in Agriculture: More Must Be Done to Protect Farmworkers Despite Recent Improvements” (Washington, D.C.: Farmworker Justice, 2015),
  • 291. Eric Holt-Gimenez, Personal Correspondence, E-mail, May 11, 2015.
  • 292. Raj Patel, “Grassroots Voices: What Does Food Sovereignty Look Like?,” Journal of Peasant Studies 36, no. 3 (2009): 663–706.
  • 293. Eric Holt-Gimenez, Personal Correspondence, E-mail, May 11, 2015.